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The Book

The following text is excerpted from Hendrik Meijer's forthcoming biography, America's Senator: The Unexpected Odyssey of Arthur Vandenberg:

Spring was late in Grand Rapids.  Outside the windows of the upstairs room the limbs of the old maple stood bare.  But on March 22, 1951, his sixty-seventh birthday, the dying Senator again surprised his children and the nurses.  He sat up in bed and sipped champagne.  He smoked a denicotinized cigar -- "sexless," he called it, as if that mattered.  The room smelled the way it should: acrid, not so medicinal.  By this act was he still alive.  Only slowly did his puffy hand brush the ashes from the bed sheet, but this was one of those increasingly rare days when he could summon someone for a chat or pick up a book.

His daughters thought sometimes the reading was just a pretense, to persuade visitors he was still lucid.  The cancer had metastasized along his spine.  The slightest movement was excruciating.  Changing the sheets was torture.  Even the drugs were a mixed blessing; he had come back from Washington with a morphine addiction that was exacting its own toll.

By late 1950, Arthur Vandenberg had become increasingly isolated from everything but the pain, which seldom left him alone.  He could no longer dress for visitors, as he had in the first months at home.  Then, when someone flew out from Washington, perhaps John Foster Dulles or a Senate colleague or an old newspaper friend, he might rise from bed to the wonder of his nurse and appear suddenly at the bottom of the stairs.  There he stood, pale and drawn, his big dark eyes unnaturally large -- even too bright as they stared out from the haggard frame -- dressed to receive a guest with the frail dignity of an old knight strapping on his armor one more time.

Now the Senator was asking his doctor, who was also his best friend, the closest question he could pose to the one he feared most.  He said he had to know, not, as he put it, "How much longer I have to live, but what service I shall be able to render" in the two years left of his Senate term.  He had not yet come to terms with dying.  He had grown accustomed to saving the world -- or at least the American way of life.

To dwell on the past was to admit the inevitable.  Instead, when visitors arrived, he wanted to know what was going on.  Truman and Acheson had their hands full with a war in Korea.  This McCarthy from Wisconsin was an embarrassment, or worse, for fellow Republicans.  Why was Bob Taft giving him so much rope?

~

Half a decade had passed since the Senator's famous speech on January 1945, when he had proposed a post-war treaty among the Allies of the Second World War.  This had been the beginning of his late-blooming fame.  He had reversed field from a career countering interventionists in the State Department, a career as Franklin Roosevelt's most effective congressional adversary.  The isolationist had turned world statesman -- and Washington's darling.  One after the other had come his appointment as delegate to the first UN conference, his role in post-war peace talks, his success in steering through Congress the Marshall Plan and NATO.  Harry Truman was in trouble without him.

In the ensuing five years, a long-awaited peace turned into the Cold War, with the Soviet Union and its satellites ranged behind the infamous Iron Curtain.  The Kremlin descried the sinister influence of the senior Senator from Michigan.  He was a bogeyman, the devil on Truman's shoulder, exemplar of American imperialism.

In November 1950 the dying Senator received a letter from Edward R. Murrow outlining plans for an hour-long CBS Radio documentary.  The subject was the war of nerves between East and West in the shadow of the atomic bomb, "the story of the cold war and the fight for peace in the actual recorded voices of the key figures of these five years," Murrow wrote.  The network wanted a bipartisan story, with Vandenberg "the central pivot of the entire era."

The Senator's speeches and interviews would create "a sort of running narration to this drama."  Murrow knew Van was sick, and would not presume to ask him to read the lines himself.  Instead, he said, "we intend, with your permission of course, to ask the distinguished actor, Spencer Tracy (or someone of his calibre), to play the role of Arthur Vandenberg."

The other voices -- Truman, Churchill, Acheson, Marshall, Byrnes, Dulles, Vishinsky, Bevin, Masaryk, Baruch, Gromyko -- would come from recordings.  Murrow envisioned a prime-time broadcast, without commercial interruption, with recordings furnished to schools and colleges.  To build a large audience, the promotional resources of the network, from Bing Crosby and Arthur Godfrey to Jack Benny, would plug the show.

"Naturally, we will not undertake this project without your assent," Murrow wrote.  "We have turned to you because we believe that the Vandenberg story is so much a part of U.S. foreign policy and because your stature and cooperation have made the bipartisan foreign policy a living, working thing."  Murrow turned up the flattery, always a good tactic in dealing with Vandenberg.  It was, he told the Senator, "your words and spirit" that made a non-partisan program possible.

Words and spirit -- that combination had been Vandenberg's way of charming the Congress and saving the West.  And now Murrow assured him that the network would make no demands on the ailing man's time or energy: "To approach the matter on any other basis would be less than patriotic."

Vandenberg liked the proposal, but he had to be frank.  "I am still far from well," he replied.  Although he nursed hopes of going back to Washington after the holidays, he confided, "just between us, I do not know what I can do if I return in January, as is my fondest aspiration."

~

His wife, Hazel, had died the previous summer, also ravaged by cancer.  She had understood his world, parted the veil of bluster and cigar smoke.  Not so his adult daughters, who fell into familiar roles in the presence of their formidable father: two little girls trying to bring a giggle out of papa.  "And not one of us can change that now," wrote the younger one, Betsy.

The Senator's mind was a dizzy cocktail of agony, hope and despair.  "All we can do is sit with him and give him nothing," Betsy lamented.  As his son, Arthur Junior, fed the newspapers false reports of some slight progress, the calls kept coming.  The President wrote from Key West, George Marshall from Virginia.  From London, Churchill sent word that he wished they might have got to know each other better.  He sensed between them, he said, a "community of soul."

Mitzi Sims called.  This Danish-born widow of a Canadian diplomat had been the Senator's lover in the traumatic years just before Pearl Harbor.  At the behest of the British she had seduced the good Senator out of isolation, some of his enemies claimed, although the Japanese surprise attack and the scream of V-2 rockets over St. Paul's were rather larger factors.  A decade later, alone in Florida, the blonde beauty with the husky voice called Morris Avenue to inquire about Arthur.  Betsy took the call.  Her father, she said, was too ill to talk just then.

His daughter longed for some communion with her dying father.  "He's always been such a lone, unconfiding, self-sufficient person," she wrote.  This big man, shrunken now, always bold with his assertions, sagacious in a keen, practical way, longed, finally, to smoke another cigar.


 




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